Syria’s Assad Visits Kremlin to Discuss Joint Military Operation

Source: Sputnik
Syrian President Bashar Assad visited Moscow on Tuesday evening for talks regarding the Russian aerial operation to support the Syrian army offensive.

Russian President Vladimir Putin and Syrian President Bashar Assad met in Moscow on Tuesday evening to discuss questions regarding the Russian air force and Syrian army operation, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said on Wednesday.

Russia launched its aerial operation against terrorist group targets in Syria on September 30. Since then, the Syrian military has launched a series of offensives against the groups across the country. At the talks, Assad said that any military action also presumes further political measures to resolve the Syrian crisis.

“We are ready to do what we can, not only [with respect to] military action to fight terrorism in Syria, but also via the political process,” Putin said in a transcript published on the Kremlin website.

Assad thanked the Russian leadership for its aid to Syria, saying that it stands for Syria’s unity and independence.

“The terrorism which now spreads through the region would have taken much greater areas and spread to an even greater territory if it was not for your actions and your decisions,” Assad said.

Putin also thanked Syria’s people for their contribution to the fight against terror. He noted that Russia is worried because at least 4,000 fighters from the former Soviet Union are fighting alongside terrorist groups in Syria.

“The Syrian people have resisted and fought international terrorism practically alone for several years now, suffering heavy losses, but recently also achieving serious, positive results in this fight,” Putin said.

Assad also said that terrorism has become an obstacle to the Syrian crisis’ political solution. He added that the entire Syrian people seek to decide the country’s fate, and not only the country’s leadership.

The talks were held in both a limited and an expanded format, also touching on topics including bilateral relations and prospective plans for economic reconstruction.

“Naturally, the questions [were about] the fight against terrorist extremist groups, questions regarding the continuation of the supporting offensives of the Syrian armed forces,” Peskov said.

According to Putin’s spokesman, members of Russia’s upper leadership took part in the expanded format of the talks and “the talks were quite long and the topic of negotiations was completely clear.”




President al-Assad: New anti-terrorism coalition must succeed, otherwise the whole region will be destroyed

Source: Sana
Damascus, SANA – President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to the Iranian Khabar TV channel.
Question 1: In the name of God, the most compassionate, the most merciful. Mr. President, thank you very much for accepting the invitation of the Television of the Islamic Republic of Iran to give this interview. Thank you very much.

There are many issues which need to be raised; and in this interview, I’ll raise a number of them. I hope that I’ll get candid and transparent answers from your Excellency. For about five years now, Syria has been suffering from a war waged by armed terrorist groups that inflicted tremendous damage on the Syrian people. According to available statistics, these damages are estimated at more than USD 200 billion to the infrastructure, about 250,000 casualties and about six to seven million displaced Syrian individuals. All this was the result of Western states’ insistence on overthrowing the Syrian regime. They haven’t succeeded in doing so. Now we can see a change in positions regarding the situation in Syria. The states which used to call for overthrowing the regime have started to declare that they accept President Assad’s participation in an interim government. What’s your reading of this change in positions, and why has it happened?

No foreign officials might decide Syria’s future, political system or the individuals to govern

President Assad: In the beginning, I would like to welcome you in Damascus; and I’m glad to be talking to our Iranian brothers through your TV station. Concerning the changes that you see happening in the Western world, part of this is based on their statements to the media. For us in Syria, we cannot take these statements seriously, regardless of whether they are positive or negative, for many reasons. I believe that our Iranian brothers, including Iranian officials, share our view on this. In other words, both of us do not trust Western officials. As to their recent statements about a transitional period and other issues, I would like to be very clear: no foreign officials might decide the future of Syria, the future of Syria’s political system or the individuals who should govern Syria. This is the Syrian people’s decision. That’s why these statements mean nothing to us.

But what is absolutely certain is that Western officials are in a state of confusion and their vision lacks clarity. At the same time, they are overwhelmed by a sense of failure concerning the plans they drew and didn’t achieve their objectives. The only objective of course is what you mentioned in your question, i.e. destroying Syria’s infrastructure and causing a great deal of bloodshed. We have paid a heavy price, but their objectives were subjugating Syria completely and replacing one state with another. They aimed at replacing this state with a client state which implements the agendas dictated by foreign governments.

We cannot trust Western positions regardless of whether they were positive or negative

At the same time, the lies they propagated at the beginning of the events in Syria, in order to promote their positions to their audiences, have started to unravel. You cannot continue to lie to your people for years. You might do that for a limited period of time. Today, as a result of technological advances in the field of information, every citizen in every part of the world could know part of the truth. These parts have started to come together in the minds of their people, and they have found out that their governments have been lying to them concerning what has happened in Syria. They have also paid the price either through terrorist operations, the terrorism that started to affect those countries or through the waves of migrants coming to their countries, not only from Syria, but from different countries in the Middle East. All these factors started to effect a change, but I would like to stress once more that we cannot trust Western positions regardless of whether they were positive or negative.

Question 2: Mr. President, some countries, like France, used to have good relations with you, between 2008 and 2010. You enjoyed good relations with President Sarkozy. Why have such people moved to the enemies’ side and started calling for overthrowing the Syrian regime?

President Assad: Because Sarkozy was charged by George Bush’s administration to build contacts with Syria. Those contacts had a number of objectives which aimed in general at changing the political line of Syria. But there was an essential objective that the Americans wanted Sarkozy to achieve. At that time there was talk about how the 5+1 group should deal with Iran’s nuclear file, specifically how to deal with nuclear materials or the radioactive materials which were enriched in your reactors in Iran. I was required to persuade Iranian officials to send these materials to Western countries to be enriched and returned to Iran, without any guarantees of course. That was impossible. It did not convince us, and the Iranian officials were not convinced.

When the West was unable to change Syrian policies, they found an opportunity at the beginning of the events of what is called the “Arab Spring”, an opportunity to attack the states whose political line they didn’t like. That is why the period you are talking about was concerned with appearances. In other words, the West opened up to Syria, but in fact that period was replete with pressure and blackmail. They haven’t offered one single thing to Syria, neither politically, or economically, or in any other field.

Question 3: What you said was about France. How do you read the positions of other countries, like the UK and the USA?

President Assad: Their positions today?

Intervention: I mean that France wanted to intervene through the relationship that connects you with Iran. How did other countries, like the UK and the USA get involved in dialogue with you at that time?

Western countries have one master, which is the United States

President Assad: Yes. When we talk about these states, we are taking about an integrated system. We use the term “Western countries”, but these Western countries have one master, which is the United States. All these countries behave in accordance with the dictates of the American maestro. Now, the statements of all these countries are similar. They say the same thing, and when they attack Syria, they use the same language. That is why when the United States gives the signal, these countries move in a certain direction, but there is usually a distribution of roles. At that time France was asked to play that role, considering the relatively good historical relations between France and Syria since independence. There is a big Syrian community in France, and there are economic, even military, and of course political relations. That is why the best option for them was to ask France, and not any other country. But ultimately, Western officials follow the orders of the American administration. This is a fact.

Question 4: Does that mean that you know specifically what the West wants from Syria?

President Assad: They want to change the state. They want to weaken Syria and create a number of weak statelets which can get busy solving their daily problems and internal disputes with no time for development or extending support to national causes, particularly the cause of Palestine, and at the same time ensuring Israel’s security. These objectives are not new. They have always been there, but the instruments of dealing with them differ from time to time.

Question 5: It seems that some of these countries, working on behalf of the United States, have very close ties with the terrorists, and their policies are identical with those of the terrorist groups. What is the damage that such countries, like Turkey and Saudi Arabia, can inflict on regional security and stability?

President Assad: There are, of course, different kinds of terrorism in our region, but they are all overshadowed by what is called Islamic terrorism because these terrorist groups or organizations have adopted Islam without having anything to do with Islam in reality. But this is the term being used now. These groups are promoting sedition among the different components in the region in general. This means that the greatest damage is the disintegration of societies in time. Now, fortunately, there is a great awareness in our society about the danger of sectarian sedition, and the necessity of uniting ranks, particularly as far as the Muslims are concerned. But with time, and with the continuation of sectarian incitement, creating gaps between the different components of society and producing a young generation brought up on the wrong ideas, that will be a very serious danger. This disintegration will become one day a de facto situation, and will lead to confrontations, conflicts and civil wars. This is very dangerous, and it is not exaggerated. It is a fact.

Question 6: Now, it has become common in international forums for states to announce that the Syrian crisis cannot be resolved except through a political solution. But Saudi Arabia and the Saud clan insist that you should step down from your position. What is your response to that?

Neither Saudi Arabia nor Turkey have right to talk about democracy

President Assad: What I said a short while ago: any talk about the political system or the officials in this county is an internal Syrian affair. But if they are talking about democracy, the question begs itself: are the states you mentioned, especially Saudi Arabia, models of democracy, human rights or public participation? In fact, they are the worst and the most backward worldwide; and consequently they have no right to talk about this. As to Erdogan, he is responsible for creating chasms inside his own society, inside Turkey itself. Turkey was stable for many years, but with his divisive language, and his talk about sedition and discrimination between its different components, neither he nor Davutoglu are entitled to give advice to any country or any people in the world. This is the truth, simply and clearly.

Question 7: Mr. President, you said more than once that some states caused the current situation in Syria, and that foreign intervention played a significant role in creating the crisis. However, this crisis happened on your watch. To what extent have you played a role in creating this situation?

President Assad: When there is foreign intervention, it cannot make a significant negative impact unless there were gaps in this country or in that society. That is why we said from the very beginning that there are many things which need to be reformed in Syria. There are gaps; and we are all responsible for these gaps, as Syrians. Of course, the state has its share of responsibility in this regard, and the higher the official, the greater the responsibility.
This is in general terms, but when we come to the facts about what happened in Syria, we cannot deny the importance of the foreign factor. Money was paid to make people demonstrate under slogans related to the constitution, the laws or to reforms. From the very beginning we responded positively to all these proposals, despite the fact that we knew that a large part of it was unreal and not genuine. But it was merely a slogan. Nevertheless, and from the very beginning we called for a political dialogue among Syrian political forces. The result of that dialogue was that the constitution was changed, and the provisions which they claimed, or as some have claimed to be the cause of the crisis, have also been changed. New laws, providing for more freedoms, were passed, new parties established and the media law was changed. All the things which were demanded, or which were used as slogans in the demonstrations, were implemented.

Then, they started in the West and in the regional countries which are subject to the Western agendas, particularly Turkey, Qatar and Saudi Arabia, started talking about the issue of the president specifically. Why? Because they wanted to personalize the issue, in order to say that the whole problem in Syria is caused by one individual, and consequently he, and not the terrorists or the regional and Western states which seek to destabilize Syria, is responsible. That is why I say again that the issue of the presidency or other issues are the concern of the Syrian people. I, personally, have said, on more than one occasion that when the Syrian people decide that a certain individual should stay, he will stay; and when the Syrian people decide that he should go, he will go immediately. This issue cannot be subject to any discussion, but if the opinion of the West is contrary to that of the Syrian people, it has no value whatsoever. That is why we say that returning to dialogue and continuing the dialogue which is conducted from time to time is the solution for the Syrian crisis. If there are demands for reform, that shouldn’t be the responsibility of the President but the responsibility of the state’s institutions, because they define the shape of the reform. When there is a national issue, it should be shouldered by the institutions and should be carried out by these institutions, particularly elected ones, foremost among which is the People’s Assembly.

Question 8: So, you believe that what happened in Syria has to do with institutions and not the person of the president of the republic?

President Assad: Of course, because the president comes to power through institutions and leaves power through institutions. The president assumes power through the constitution and steps down through the constitution, the laws and the elections. Those are the mechanisms. A president cannot assume power through terrorism or step down as a result of terrorism. He does not assume power through chaos and does not step down because of chaos. He does not assume power through foreign intervention or under foreign cover as is the case in most countries in our region. As you know, this is a fact. When he comes to power through a foreign country, he continues in power through a decision of this foreign country and leaves power upon a decision of that country. This, however, is not the case neither in Syria nor in Iran, and will not be the case in the future.

Question 9: If we go back to the beginning of the crisis in March 2011, would you manage the crisis in the same way you did?

From the beginning we decided to fight terrorism, and today we are more committed to this principle

President Assad: In all things in our lives, there are always main titles and small details which constitute these titles. What changes often are the details and not the main titles, except in special cases. This crisis has been a rich lesson. Every national crisis is a very rich lesson to the officials, to the population and to society in general. Every day, you learn a new thing and see things from a different perspective. Sometimes you see things which you don’t know even about yourself or the society you live in. That is why it doesn’t make sense to say that the crisis is passing by and we will not learn new things from it and will not change accordingly. It is natural to have differences concerning the details, but not the main titles. The reason is that these are basic principles. For example, in the beginning we decided to have dialogue, to respond to dialogue and that the solution should be through dialogue. We still believe in this principle.

Concerning fighting terrorism, from the beginning it was clear to us that there were foreign hands behind it, and that it aimed at creating chaos and a terrorist environment to destabilize Syria. From the beginning we decided to fight terrorism, and today we are more committed to this principle. From the beginning we decided to be independent in solving our problems. We want help from our friends; and this is what Iran is offering, and what Russia is offering, together with other countries of the world. But no other country can replace us in solving our problems. I believe that we are more determined today to be committed to these principles; and the events have shown that what we used to say at the beginning of the crisis was right. When we come to the details and mechanisms, there is no doubt that the way we see them now is different from the way we saw them then.

Question 10: You said that the Syrian crisis should be resolved through Syrian-Syrian dialogue. Are you prepared, Mr. President, to sit at the same table with those armed groups fighting on the ground?

President Assad: It is self-evident that no state in the world conducts dialogue with terrorists, because terrorists, like other citizens, should be subject to the laws and should be brought to account. However, the state might conduct dialogue with terrorists in one case, when the objective of the dialogue is for the individuals who carried out terrorist acts to lay down their arms and embrace the state and the law. This has actually happened in Syria; and we held dialogue with many groups within the framework of what we call reconciliations through which the state grants amnesty to those individuals, provided that they go back to their normal lives.

This mechanism or approach has achieved reasonable success in many regions, especially when you know that many of those who carried out terrorist acts did so probably because of certain conditions which pushed them in that direction and not necessarily because they have a genuine conviction or desire to do so. There are those who were deceived and those who were misled.

On the other hand, there are ideological terrorist groups which do not believe in dialogue. They reject dialogue and reject reconciliation. They believe that these killings and these acts of terrorism are part of religion and part of Islam. They believe that when they commit these acts and get killed, they have done a service to religion, and then go to heaven. It is impossible to conduct dialogue with these groups; they do not accept it and we do not accept it.

Question 11: What are the damages caused to security and stability in the region by what happened in Syria through the acts of these extremist Islamic movements which want to declare an Islamic State or an Islamic Emirate? And how should they be dealt with?

President Assad: These terrorist organizations, whether ISIS, Jabhat al-Nusra or al- Qaeda are mere manifestations of a long and deep perversion in our region and our society. This perversion is at least five decades old; but it practically started two centuries ago with perverse interpretation of Islam. The main manifestation of this perversion is the Wahhabi movement which interpreted Islam in a perverted and, in most cases, contradictory manner with the import of Islam itself. So, these are mere manifestations.

Dealing with this short term damage, which is related to the terrorist acts, the destruction and killing they are carrying out, is not easy, but certainly possible. Dealing with it will constitute a victory for society, an important victory because it protects it against a disease and a real epidemic.

The big danger is for this treatment to take a long time and for these organizations to become entrenched within society. In that case you will be dealing with a very dangerous, cultural and intellectual situation. You will be before a new generation of ideological terrorists who believe in killing, takfir and discrimination as a basic method for building an Islamic State, as they believe. Then, the whole region will face a huge dilemma. This type of thought has no boundaries. It does not recognize political borders. It spreads, through contagion, very quickly in our region, and even in Europe, as we see today. That is why these organizations are extremely dangerous, but it is not enough to fight them as organizations. More importantly, we should fight the thought which led to the creation of these organizations, the states which promoted this type of thought and the institutions which provide funds for this thought through religious schools and foundations which promote extremism in the Islamic world.

Question 12: Mr. President, Western countries tried, in a symbolic move, to create an international coalition against terrorism. But this coalition does not seem to have succeeded. Why?

International coalition failed because the thief cannot be himself the policeman

President Assad: That is true, first because the thief cannot be himself the policeman who protects the city from thieves. Similarly, the state which supports terrorism cannot fight it. This is the truth about this coalition we see. That is why, and after more than a year, we do not see any results. On the contrary, we see that is has been counterproductive. Terrorism has expanded geographically, and the number of volunteers or recruits to these terrorist organizations has increased. Second, because these states which support terrorism from the beginning and which provide cover for it, cannot be serious. Take, for instance, the number of air strikes conducted by the sixty countries together in Syria and Iraq. They constitute only a fraction of what the Syrian air force is doing, despite the facts that we are a small country in the end, and the Syrian air force is not big. Nevertheless, we are conducting many folds the number of airstrikes carried out by those countries.

If the US really wanted to fight terrorism, it would have put pressure on terrorists’ supporters

There is a more important indicator of their lack of seriousness. How can the United States and its allies fight terrorism or ISIS in Syria and Iraq while their closest allies in the government of Erdogan and Davutoglu are supporting terrorists and enabling them to cross the borders and bring weapons, money and volunteers through Turkey? Had the United States really wanted to fight terrorism, it would have put pressure on those countries. That is why I don’t believe that this coalition will do anything except strike a balance between the existing forces in order to keep the fire alive and perpetuate the process of erosion in Syria and Iraq and later other countries of the region, so that we all remain weak for decades and maybe generations.

Question 13: The states which oppose your regime consider your presence in power a pretext for continuing the war. How do you respond to them, Mr. President?

President Assad: If I were a pretext for terrorism in Syria, what is the pretext for terrorism in Yemen. I’m not in Yemen. Who is the pretext for terrorism in Libya? Who is the pretext for terrorism in Iraq? In fact, if we take the example of ISIS, you will find that it did not emerge in Syria. It emerged in Iraq in 2006 when the Americans ran most things, if not everything, particularly the security issues in Iraq. It emerged there on their watch; and all ISIS leaders graduated from the prisons which used to be run by the United States, not the Iraqi government. This does not make any sense. Western officials in America and elsewhere acknowledge that they created this extremism through al-Qaeda in Afghanistan in the beginning to fight the Soviet Union. ISIS is a by-product of al-Qaeda that came in a different form and in a different region. What they say does not have any value. The West always looks for some other party or person to hold them responsible because they will not say that it was them who supported terrorism and stood against the Syrian people and sought to destroy them together with their culture, heritage and all the basics of their lives.

Question 14: The Western coalition failed in its fight against terrorism. Now a new coalition has started to form in the region bringing together Iran, Russia, Iraq and Syria. Considering that the terrorists receive a lot of support from the outside, can this coalition succeed?

New anti-terrorism coalition must succeed, otherwise the whole region will be destroyed

President Assad: It must succeed; otherwise the whole region, not only one or two countries, will be destroyed. We have full confidence in this. Of course, what you said about the support extended to these terrorist organizations by other countries will make the price of victory for these countries which are fighting terrorism very high indeed. If those countries joined the fight against terrorism in a serious and genuine manner, at least by stopping their support to terrorists, it will hasten the process of achieving the results which we all hope to see. But even if they didn’t do that and continued to support terrorism, we as states have a vision and have expertise. All of us have suffered because of terrorism. Iran and Russia have suffered different kinds of terrorism. When these countries unite against terrorism and fight it militarily and in the areas of security and information, in addition to other aspects, this coalition will, no doubt, achieve real results on the ground, particularly that it enjoys international support from countries which do not have a direct role in these crises and in this region. This is with the exception of the West, which has always sought to support terrorism, colonization and stood against peoples’ causes, most countries of the world feel the real danger of terrorism. There have been recently successive statements from countries which support this coalition. That is why I believe that this coalition has great chances of success.

Question 15: Mr. President, your country has suffered a great deal as a result of terrorism. What is your messages to the states which support terrorism?

The most important terrorist leaders in Syria and Iraq are Europeans

President Assad: We wanted to say to them that terrorism will get to you in the end, but it has actually reached them recently. When we used to say this a few years ago, they said that the Syrians are threatening. Today it is no longer a threat. Terrorism has arrived in different European countries in addition to the regional countries which support terrorism and have started to suffer the consequences. There are waves of immigrants from different countries and for causes related to terrorism and other causes which might push others to leave the region. It is known that a large number of terrorists have infiltrated those immigrants, and now they are in those European countries. More importantly, this region has always been accused of exporting terrorism and extremism to Europe.
The fact today is that the most important terrorist leaders in Syria and Iraq are Europeans. Probably the largest number of terrorists comes from Muslim countries, and particularly Arab countries, but most of the leaders come from Europe, and specifically from northern Europe which is relatively far from our region and has a rich and sophisticated society. Nevertheless, terrorism comes from those countries to our region. This means that terrorism knows no boundaries, and that terrorism cannot be used as a political card whenever we want. I always liken terrorism to a scorpion. You cannot put a scorpion in your pocket, because it will sting on the first opportunity. We are repeating this now. They have started to realize this fact, but they do not dare acknowledge it, because if they do, they will have to acknowledge that they were mistaken from the beginning. This is difficult for them domestically and will constitute political suicide. That is why we hope that they will be brave enough one day to acknowledge this error and to say that they acted against the interests of their people in the service of their electoral interests.

Question 16: Mr. President, in addition to the official sources you use in order to get informed about the condition on the fronts and the condition of the Syrian people, do you rely on other unofficial sources?

President Assad: Of course, in all aspects of official work, it is wrong for an official to rely only on reports and on the work of institutions. There are always errors in the work of institutions. There are always personal opinions and personal views which might be at odds with reality because of a certain interest, or because of the lack of clarity. That is why the broader the network of relations and the sources of information, the closer to reality the vision is. That is why meetings with relevant individuals who have nothing to do with reports, with ordinary citizens, with any other person might add another aspect of the truth. I believe this is essential, even in times of peace, let alone in a state of war like the one we live in. You need this kind of communication in such situations more than you need it in ordinary times. Paper cannot give you a full picture of reality. This is a general rule for me.

Question 17: You follow foreign TV stations, don’t you?

President Assad: Of course, I do that all the time. We should understand how our opponents think.
Intervention: Those media outlets broadcast negative news about Syria. How do you feel when you hear such negative news?

Western media and officials lost their credibility…what they say has no value or impact

President Assad: Since the early days of the crisis, this war has been a media and psychological war in the first place. This media war, particularly through Arabic TV stations, since only a few people here watch foreign TV stations, has made a great impact and has been able to distort reality for a large number of Syrians. But if we say that this was the case in the first year, things have started to become clearer gradually. So, these media outlets continue to make an impact in their countries, but they no longer have an impact in our countries, especially when it comes to foreign media outlets. I think that they are deceiving their people, not us. Second, when you have a national cause and you defend your country, you do not pay attention to what others say. You are concerned first and foremost with protecting your country, with achieving the popular interest, the national interest. Everything else has to take a second seat. Since these media outlets have lost their credibility, and since Western officials have no credibility to start with, what they say has no value or impact even from a psychological perspective. I read and listen to such things only to understand how they think, but really it no longer has any impact as far as I’m concerned.

Question 18: You heard the news about the immigrants and refugees who went to other countries. When you see images and videos of those refugees, how do you feel?

Western exploitation of refugee crisis is more painful than being a refugee

President Assad: This is painful of course. Syria has always been a safe haven for refugees throughput its history, since before the Ottoman Empire, and even throughout ancient history, because of its geographical location, the nature of its society and culture, and because of many other factors. But recently, at least throughout the last century, it hosted the Palestinians, the Lebanese, and before that the Armenians who fled to Syria because of the massacres perpetrated against them. There were also the massacres perpetrated against the Syriacs during the days of the Ottoman State and in other junctures. We should not also forget the Iraqis after the American invasion in 2003. It is very painful for a Syrian to turn into a refugee; and perhaps this is a black spot in Syria’s history which we will remember for decades and centuries. But what is more painful is the exploitation of the refugees’ problems on the part of Western countries and Western media. They portray it as a humanitarian tragedy from which they feel pain, while in reality they are the greatest contributors to this condition through their support of terrorism and through the sanctions they imposed on Syria. Consequently, in many parts of Syria, and in many situations, the basic requirements of life might not be available. So, terrorism, on the one hand, and these Western countries, on the other, are perpetrating the same act. They attack terrorists, but they are terrorists in their policies, whether by imposing sanctions or by supporting terrorism. This is another painful aspect of the refugees question; they fire at the Syrian refugees with one hand and give them food with the other. This is what the Europeans or the Westerners are doing.

Question 19: Mr. President, the Syrian refugee crisis has become a regional and international issue. Who, do you think, should address this issue? What do you expect of international organizations?

Every refugee is asking for countries to stop supporting terrorism

President Assad: Before talking about the services that should be provided to them. We should deal with the cause; why did these Syrian citizens emigrate? Most of those emigrants do not wish to live one single day outside their country, but there are certain circumstances which forced them to do so, on top of which are terrorism and the support of terrorism from outside Syria. So, if we ask anything of the international organizations or of the states – and I believe every refugee will ask for the same thing – It would be for them to stop supporting terrorism, and to put pressure on countries, especially Turkey, Jordan, Qatar and Saudi Arabia to stop sending terrorists to Syria and providing them with weapons and money. When they do that, there will be no problem. Solving the problem in Syria is not complicated at all. The Situation will be better, and the larger part of the refugees will come back to their country immediately, because regardless of the services provided to them in any country in the world or through whatever organization, it will not be the same as for this person to be in his country and environment and among his family and friends, neither materially nor morally.

Question 20: Mr. President, this is the second time I visit Syria this year, and I have talked to the Syrian people. They are concerned about how long this war might last. How do you, Mr. President, assess the situation in Syria? How long will this situation last?

We pin great hope on Putin’s coalition and on international changes

President Assad: The war will continue as long as there are those who support terrorism, because we are not fighting terrorist groups inside Syria, we are fighting terrorist groups coming from all over the world with the support of the richest and the most powerful countries. We are a small country, but when you defend your country, you do not have a choice, and you cannot ask how and how long unless you have decided to give up on your country. In that case you as a citizen will not have a homeland. This is out of the question in Syria. That is why I believe that the new atmosphere which has started to emerge in the international arena – although once again I exclude the West – started to push towards finding a real solution to the Syrian crisis. It is true that this is proposed under the title of a political solution, but there cannot be a political solution while there are states supporting terrorism. This is one package. We hope that this new direction started to put pressure on the governments which support terrorism. And this has actually started to exert pressure on these states in order to reduce their support. The second cause of optimism is President Putin’s initiative to form a coalition which includes Russia, Iran, Iraq and Syria. All these steps have been the natural answer to this question. For how long this war will continue? This war will continue until either terrorism defeats the people or the people defeat terrorists. So, we pin great hope on this coalition now and on these international changes.

Question 21: Mr. President, what are your own proposals to find a solution to this crisis?

President Assad: Of course, we support any political move in parallel with fighting terrorism. But this needs a number of factors to succeed. When we talk about dialogue among the Syrians, this dialogue has two aspects: there is a dialogue on the future of Syria, and it includes all Syrians. Every Syrian has the right to express an opinion in this dialogue in order to know the shape of the Syria we want. Later, there are institutions, there is the public opinion, there is a referendum on a constitution which might be produced by this dialogue. Whatever the people decide, then, will be binding to us as a state and for me as an official. But there is also a dialogue which is specific to the crisis: how to put an end to terrorism and how to restore security. If we talk about political reform, it does not concern the terrorists, because terrorists do not fight for political reform. They fight because they receive money or because they have a perverted doctrine, or because they want to have a role in a state that becomes another state’s client.
This dialogue requires an answer to the following questions: If we agree on something, what is our impact in reality? If we conducted a dialogue and reached the best possible ideas but without being able to implement them because the opposition we are conducting dialogue with has no influence on the terrorists, what do we get? On the other hand, shall we conduct dialogue with an opposition tied to foreign powers? From a national and patriotic perspective, this is unacceptable. You in Iran have political opposition, but you cannot call it an opposition if you knew, as Iranian citizens, that they receive money from a foreign country, or that they implement policies which are at odds with the interests of the Iranian people, and that they serve the interests of a foreign country. These factors do not exist so far. We have conducted dialogue with a number of groups, some of which were patriotic, we are not saying otherwise, but they told us that they have no influence on the terrorists. So, dialogue with them might be useful for the future of Syria, but not for solving the problem of terrorism. That is why the only option for us now is to destroy terrorism, because implementing any solution or any political ideas that might be agreed on will need a state of stability. Otherwise it has no value. Consequently, destroying terrorism is the foundation of any action in Syria. Political ideas can be implemented later.

Question 22: Your Excellency, Dr. Bashar Assad, you studied ophthalmology. How did you make the move to politics?

President Assad: This question cannot be raised when somebody enters the world of politics. It is legitimate when someone moves from medicine to engineering, let’s say. But politics is not a sector, it’s not economics or science. It is the outcome of all aspects of life: the economy, the military, security, people’s culture and all daily problems. All these things create something called politics. Politics is not a profession or an academic specialization. It is your link to the life you live. And in this region the complicated details of politics affect our daily life, and one cannot be but interested in politics. It is part of our lives in this region as a result of circumstances we live under and which influence us continually. So, I haven’t moved from one specialization to another or from one sector to another. I moved from place of work to another in the same public field.

Question 23: Going back to our earlier question about reforms in Syria, I read your biography and found that you made a good start with the reform process in 2000. Why haven’t you continued with these reforms?

Developing the economic situation was the basic challenge to reforms since 2000

President Assad: No, Syria has proceeded in a continuous development process, but there were priorities. For us, the basic challenge was the economic situation, which has always suffered from different problems, even before the crisis, and even under the relatively good circumstances. That was our priority. When I used to meet the citizens – before the crisis – complaints were always about the living conditions and the conditions of the economy. Political reform was linked to a certain extent to political elites in certain sections of society. It did not include everyone. As I said, the comprehensive issue was living conditions. Our basic challenge was how to develop the economy in addition to facing outside pressure because of different political reasons. That was our priority as a state. But if you talk to a large number of people, you will hear different views about priorities. Every person has his own view depending on their culture and problems. Some people might not have economic problems, so their priorities become different. For us as a state, we used to take the most common problems for the population. The state was moving forward, probably not quickly, but carefully and steadily.

Question 24: Mr. President, you have repeatedly said that important decisions need to be taken inside Syria, and that the dialogue must be among the Syrians themselves, but now we see that there are negotiations and discussions outside Syria, for instance like the negotiations between America and Russia. There are those who say that they are interfering in drawing Syria’s future. Does not that constitute a red line for you?

The Russians have never tried to impose anything on us

President Assad: We have old relations with the former Soviet Union and later with Russia, for more than six decades now. They have never tried to impose anything on us throughout the history of this relation, particularly during this crisis. The dialogue between Russia an America is not about interfering in Syria, the dialogue is happening between two sides: one which believes in interference in other states’ affairs, i.e. America and the West, and the other seeks to prevent such an intervention, prevent hegemony and violation of Security Council’s resolutions and UN Charter, i.e. Russia, the BRICS countries and a large number of other countries. It is not true that this dialogue is about intervention. They are not discussing the nature of the political system in Syria, or the identity of the next president, or how to solve the problem of terrorism in Syria. They are discussing the principle of the independence of the Syrian people’s decisions. That is why I believe that this dialogue is in the interest of Syria and the interest of the peoples of the world. When there is a strong power with allies defending the independence of peoples, this is in the interest of all of us, in the interest of the sovereignty and independence, which we have been so proud of for decades.

Question 25: Mr. President, do you know the substance of the negotiations between the Russians and the Americans?

The Russians and Americans are continuing contacts between us and the Russians

President Assad: Yes, there are continuing contacts between us and the Russians. They talk to us about all the details concerning the Syrian situation, including anything raised with the Russians by any other country, or any discussion between them and those countries, whether they were allies, opponents or enemies. There is complete transparency in this relationship.

Question 26: Going back to the negotiations with the opposition, in your interview with the Russian media you said that you are looking forward to Moscow 3. Now, there have been two discussions or meetings in Moscow and also in Geneva. I attended the Geneva meetings and saw that the opposition was divided and incongruent. In your opinion, can you reach a serious agreement with such an incongruent opposition?

We will reach no result if Geneva 3,4…or 10 continue with the same mechanism is in Geneva 1, 2

President Assad: No, if work is done using the same mechanisms, i.e. opposition groups formed in the West and in regional countries hostile to Syria which have been part of the bloodshed like Saudi Arabia, Qatar or Turkey, such an opposition cannot but implement the agendas of those countries. The simple question is: do these countries seek a solution for the situation in Syria or achieve stability? These countries are hostile to the Syrian people. They created the problem, and consequently, for them Geneva 1 and Geneva2 were merely a stage through which they wanted to achieve through politics what they could not achieve on the ground through terrorist acts. That is the objective.

Moscow conference’s mechanism is different

If Geneva 3, 4, and 10 continue with the same mechanism, i.e. for us to talk to individuals who are agents of other countries, we will certainly not reach any result. This is self-evident. We reach a result only when we conduct a dialogue, as Syrians, with each other. Hence the importance of the Moscow conference, because its mechanism is different. It includes different groups from inside and outside Syria. There are individuals who are agents of foreign, Arab or regional countries, independent individuals and patriotic individuals. The Geneva conference was based on one provision of the Geneva communique, which is the interim governing body, which we categorically reject. They wanted the Geneva conference to discuss only this point and to impose this provision on the Syrian government, or the Syrian state or the Syrian people.

The Moscow conference discusses everything. It discusses the whole of the Geneva communique which includes clear provisions like Syria’s independence, territorial integrity and the Syrian-Syrian dialogue. Everything in the Geneva communique contradicts the interim governing body provision. When we reach a consensus as Syrians in the Moscow conference, any other conference, or any other dialogue will be bound by the consensus that we will reach in Moscow. That is why we said that Moscow 3 is essential for the success of Geneva 3.

Question 27: There are many initiatives for solving the Syrian crisis, including the Russian initiative, the de Mistura initiative and the recent initiative made by the Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif. What is your assessment of this last initiative?

President Assad: When Mr. Zarif visited us a few months ago, the visit was on the background of proposing ideas for an Iranian initiative. Before the visit, the Iranian Foreign Ministry announced the basic principles for this initiative, principles with which we totally agree. But as you know, the success or failure of any political action is bound to be linked to the many details which might be included in such an action. When Mr. Zarif visited, we discussed with him all these details, and the meetings continued later between officials in both foreign ministries in order to come out with the final draft of this initiative. What has changed during this period was the announcement of President Putin’s initiative, particularly in his speech in the Collective Security Treaty Organization’s Collective Security Council in which he identified basically his perception of the initiative, especially in relation to fighting terrorism.

Syrian-Iranian discussion continues, with Putin’s initiative taken into account

Now, the discussion continues between us and our Iranian brothers at the foreign ministry in order to take into account this important change, so that it becomes not necessarily part of the Iranian initiative, but to make the initiative compatible with these important and positive changes on the Syrian arena, and probably on the Syrian-Iraqi arena. That is why I say that this initiative is very important and necessary, particularly after signing the Iranian nuclear deal, and with European officials starting to communicate with Iran. We believe that the Iranian role has become important for us in Syria through this initiative. Of course, when it is complete the details are integrated, it will be announced.

Question 28: We heard recently that a Chinese warship arrived in Lattakia and that a Russian warship also arrived in the Lattakia port on board of which there are two thousand Russian soldiers with advanced equipment. Military operations and airstrikes against terrorists have started. Why have they come now and got involved in the conflict, and what will the results be?

China does not take part militarily in fighting terrorism, It supports the Russian efforts

President Assad: Concerning China, it does not take part militarily in fighting terrorism. It has announced a clear position. It supports the Russian role and the Russian efforts in this regard, and supports President Putin’s initiative concerning fighting terrorism, which includes the recent Russian presence in Syria and which has started operations recently. As to the Russian aircraft carrier, Russia has a presence in Syrian airports, and there is no need for an aircraft carrier. When operations started in Syria recently, the Russian Defense Ministry announced officially the start of these operations. So, everything is clear and public, and there is nothing hidden. Russia announced that these operations are in the form of airstrikes, but without any land operations as the media tried to depict. The military assistance comes exclusively within this framework.

Question 29: Mr. President, do the military personnel have a specific frame of reference in Syria?

Plans within Russian operation drawn by Syrian and Russian officers

President Assad: As for the timeframe, it has not been set yet. This depends on the development of events. But if you mean the plans and details of these plans, yes, the plans have been drawn in cooperation between Syrian and Russian officers a while ago when preparations started for the reception for Russian forces in Syria.

Question 30: Going back to cooperation relations between Iran, Hezbollah and Syria, these three parties enjoy strategic relations in the region. Do you believe that these relations can stand up to Zionist American plans?

Independence situation in the region wouldn’t have been the same without Iran-Hezbollah-Syria relation

President Assad: I believe that without this relation, which you described as strategic, which dates back for decades, the situation in the region would not have been the same in terms of independence. At least, there’re would not have been an independent state, or independent government and consequently an independent people. This axis distinguishes itself by defending its rights and adhering to independence. There is no doubt that it is capable of doing so, because it was able to do so in the past. God willing it will be able to defeat terrorism which is a new instrument for subjugating the region. It will certainly be able to do that. Once again, I say that there are no other options for this region if it wanted to be independent and to prosper and develop. What enabled you scientifically to make your achievements in the nuclear field was independence. Without independence, Iran would not have been able to achieve this. It would not have been allowed to reach this level. So, independence is the foundation of development, the foundation of prosperity in all development areas: economically, culturally, intellectually and in all other areas without any exception. So we should maintain this relationship, consolidate and develop it.

Question 31: What are the impacts which will be made by the nuclear agreement between Iran and the West on the political equations in the region in your opinion?

President Assad: It has a tremendous impact, not in the way some people see it in terms of Iran’s technical, scientific or political capabilities. It has a great and extensive impact on all developing countries, because Iran is a developing country which has broken the knowledge blockade imposed on developing countries in order for the West to monopolize knowledge in certain areas, particularly that oil resources are being exhausted, and the future becoming dependent on nuclear energy.

If Iran is stronger, Syria will be stronger, and vice versa

All what has been said about this issue concerning the nuclear bomb was merely an illusion and fake marketing on the part of the West, because the real nuclear bombs they fear are the brains which now exist in Iran. This is the challenge. Iran is a developing country that provided a model. It emerged from a destructive war that lasted eight years, but the people were united and provided patriotic models. It provided a model of independence and that is why it achieved this result. This is the model which worries the West, and it is the model which concerns us as a developing country, as a country which maintains a strong relationship with us.

On the other hand, you and we are strategic allies; so if Iran is stronger, Syria will be stronger, and vice versa. From another perspective, had Iran abandoned its rights in the nuclear file, that concession would have been used as the new standard which will be applied to other countries, regardless of the legitimate international right of all countries to obtain nuclear energy. In the future, Syria or any other similar country might need nuclear energy. What Iran has won by its steadfastness and through the intelligence of its negotiators will be applied to all these other countries in the future. What you won, we have won as a developing country. That is why this is a very important aspect.

The final aspect is that related to the crisis. Acknowledging the real weight of Iran and its regional role will give it an opportunity to use its increasing influence to persuade the West that their policies are wrong. Of course, I do not pin, nor do you I believe, great hopes on the West changing its colonialist world view and moving in the right direction, but any effort made by Iran must have its impact. This impact, even if it were limited, would accumulate in time in order to mitigate the damage inflicted on our country by the colonialist West, practically now in relation to the situation in Syria and through your renewed relation with the European countries.

Question 32: Mr. President, as you know Iranian strategic relations have their roots in ancient history, and these relations have been strengthened and developed based on mutual regional interests. Can we have your take on the areas around which these mutual interests revolve?

President Assad: As I said a short while ago in the area of the independence of national decision making which covers all the other areas. When we are independent, we cooperate first politically, economically and militarily. Of course, we have been able to achieve the best in cooperating politically during the past three and a half decades, since the success of the Iranian Revolution. But I believe that we have not done enough economically, despite the conditions in which Syria lives. I believe this is an important area, and this is what I discussed with Iranian officials. The crisis itself might be an opportunity, particularly in light of the Western sanctions against Syria, for economic relations to develop between us and Iran. There are also military relations which are old and go back to the same period. They are advanced relations and we cooperate in detail with Iran on military issues. So, it is a comprehensive cooperation in all areas, but as I said, priority is given to the independence of decision-making in the region and preventing more countries from falling under Western hegemony.

Question 33: Mr. President, how do you see the role of his imminence, the Supreme Leader, in achieving stability in Syria and enabling the Syrian people to defend themselves against terrorism?

President Assad: First, the relationship between his imminence, the Supreme Leader, and me is a brotherly relationship despite the difference in years between us. It is a genuine brotherly relationship. He is possessed with special attributes in terms of clarity and adherence to principles. These are the things you look for in any politician; and I believe these are the attributes which are in harmony with Iranian policies and the Iranian people’s adherence to principles. They provided a new model in the possibility for states to maintain their principles and interests at the same time based on principles and not on short term political tactics or opportunistic political tactics.

This is what his imminence, the Supreme Leader, provided during the Syrian crisis. I’m also talking about Iranian policies before that; because the current policy is a continuation of the policies of Imam Khomeini who also embodied the adherence to principles. This has been the shape of Iranian policies since the revolution, with one difference only: the fact that they developed continuously to meet the needs of the times. They are based on the same principles but they always have more developed manifestations. In fact Iran’s support to Syria is based on a popular position now; but his imminence, the Supreme Leader, has an essential role through his directives to Iranian institutions; and we are familiar with the details of these directives in terms of the mechanisms of supporting the Syrian institutions in order to support Syria in her ferocious war against terrorism and the countries which support it.

Question 34: How do you define or explain to us this Iranian position in support of the Syrian people during this crisis?

The Iranians are principled and have been loyal to Syria

President Assad: It can be summarized in two words: First, what I said about adherence to principles. The Iranian people are principled. And the second word is loyalty, for the Iranian people have been loyal to Syria which supported Iran when it went through war for eight years. That war had the same objectives which they want to achieve in Syria today, but in a different form, using different tools and under different international circumstances. The Iranian people and leadership have not forgotten Syria’s position at that time. When most countries of the world tried impose sanctions against Iran, Syria was, I don’t want to say the only state, but one of the few states which stood by Iran, but it was the clearest in its position.

Today, whenever we meet any Iranian individuals they talk about Syria’s role at that time. Today, Iran pays back loyalty with loyalty, truthfulness and transparency. On the other hand, the Iranian people have a certain vision and a certain methodology which actually led you to the nuclear deal. When you see things clearly, enemies and opponents cannot deceive you. This vision for the region in general, including Syria, and including Iran’s future and also the future of the region is very important for the stability which we seek in the coming decades.

These characteristics are very important, and I talked a short while ago about patriotism, about the patriotic model provided by the Iranian people. I cite a simple example: when they started their attempts to stir unrest in Iran, it was the first country in which they wanted to implement the regional model through the 2008 elections. I met a number of European officials who told me that the Iranian state will fall soon. Of course they say “regime” and not “state”, because they do not recognize our states or peoples. I used to say no, these movements will fail. And Iran, the Iranian society, people and state were able to isolate this limited attempt, and all other attempts failed. Unfortunately, this succeeded in other countries of the region. These are patriotic models: the Iranians uniting around the nuclear file despite the different political currents in Iran. There are national issues around which you unite. I believe that all these attributes represent the Iranian people.

Question 35: Recently, there was a human disaster in Mina. The Saud clan government evaded stating the truth and tried not to uncover the facts. How do you describe this irresponsible Saudi behavior?

The Hajj is not a Saudi event, it is a Muslim and global event

President Assad: First of all, I offer my sincere condolences to the Iranian people for this human catastrophe. The chaos we saw in managing the Hajj rituals isn’t the first. Far from the political aspect, there is a difference between having the holy sites within the sovereignty of a state and dealing with these sites as if they were their personal possession. This is a painful incident for many countries of the world which lost their citizens in the incident. At the same time the Saudis have prevented the Syrians from making the Hajj for the past four years for purely political reasons, which is very dangerous. That is why the issue of how to manage the Hajj and who manages it started to be discussed throughout the Muslim world. The Hajj is not a Saudi event, it is a Muslim and global event. I believe that this issue needs to be discussed seriously at the level of the Muslim states.

Question 36: Once again, we go back to internal Syrian affairs. The opposition calls for you to step down. If you believe that stepping down will restore security and stability to Syria, what would you do?

President Assad: This is decided only by the people. That is why I say to them: if you believe that you are right why don’t you convince the Syrian people, and the Syrian people will decide, through their institutions or the elections, who the president should be. There were elections last year. Where were you? What did you do? What is your impact on the street? Nothing. Their impact is nothing. Every person who lends his decisions to another country is despised by the Syrian people, and his influence will be zero. He becomes a mere talking head in the media. All those who believe in such a proposition should take part in the elections and try to prove their viewpoints. We have no objection. As for me personally, I say once again that if my departure is the solution, I will never hesitate to do that.

Question 37: This interview will be translated into a number of languages and many members of your opposition will watch this. What is your message to them?

The real opposition is that which belongs to the people

President Assad: The real opposition is that which belongs to the people. If any person is convinced that he opposes the government, we tell him to speak out for the concerns of the Syrian citizens. If you speak out for the concerns, aspirations and desires of this citizen and act in his best interest, he will consider you his representative, and you will have a role in your country whether others wanted that or not. No one can stand against the people. But don’t call yourself a member of the opposition if you are an agent for another country. To be in opposition means to be patriotic. There is no unpatriotic opposition. Any unpatriotic individual is not a member of the opposition, he is a foreign agent.

Question 38: what is your message to the leaders of the countries which oppose you?

President Assad: I ask them to tell their people the truth one day. They always say the truth after they leave politics, because they act for their electoral interests. I tell them briefly: work for your national not electoral interests. Supporting terrorism is not only aimed against our peoples but against yours as well. This terrorism has started to bite back. What you have seen so far is only the beginning or “the tip of the iceberg”.

Journalist: Thank you very much for availing us of this opportunity to talk with you. If there is any other points you want to make, please go ahead.

President Assad: Thank you for coming to Syria; and I would like to send, through you, to the brotherly Iranian people my best greetings and all my love. The main part of the history that will be written in Syria after victory, God willing, will be dedicated to Iran’s support to Syria in all economic, political, and military fields. Thank you once more.

Journalist: Thank you very much, Mr. President.




Al-Manar TV in conversation with President Bashar al-Assad: Countering Terrorism

Source: Al Manar
Syrian President Bashar al-Assad asserted that terrorists are the true tool of the Zionist aggression on Syria and that their acts are more dangerous than those of the Zionist entity.

In an interview with al-Manar TV that was broadcast Tuesday evening, Assad said the essence of the crisis in Syria is the foreign interference, and once this interference ceased in all its forms, then it would be possible to say that the crisis reaches its final stages.

“Because confronting terrorism then would be easier.”

His Excellency said that so far, there is no suitable environment or essential elements for the political track to succeed in reaching a solution for the crisis, noting that the states that support terrorism are imposing figures in any dialogue that represent these states and not the Syrian state.

President Assad said that the United States doesn’t want terrorism to triumph, and at the same time doesn’t want to become weak to the point that stability is achieved in the region; rather the United States wants matters to continue moving towards chaos and weakening of all states, adding that the crisis proved that Recep Tayyip Erdogan is a mere puppet with dreams, the last of these dreams being the buffer zone, but he can’t move in this direction without the approval of his US master.

He stressed that defending the homeland isn’t just by bearing arms; rather defending the homeland is done by all things that make it stronger and more resilient in the face of attacks, adding that the Syrians’ hope for victory is the incentive for confronting terrorists and the plot devised for Syria.

Assad said that if any international envoy was completely impartial, then the west wouldn’t have approved them, and so the biased statements of envoys are part of their role. He also reiterated that any initiative must respect Syria’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and leave the decision to the Syrian people while prioritizing counterterrorism.

In response to a question on Syria’s confidence in emerging victorious from the terrorist war waged on it and what this confidence is based on, President al-Assad said that if there hadn’t been hope of victory among the citizens, then Syria wouldn’t have persevered for four and a half year.

“This hope is the incentive for confronting terrorists and confronting the plot devised for Syria and applied in it like it was applied in a number of other Arab countries,” he said.

“We rely firstly on people, of course after relying on God, but if you don’t have public support then you cannot withstand. If you don’t have public support then there is no value for any political or national direction you adopt as a president or official or state. First, you rely on the people, and second on friends who stand firm alongside Syria and support it in the region and in the world,” His Excellency said.

On the recent involvement of Oman and the visit paid to it by Deputy Prime Minister, Foreign and Expatriates Minister Walid al-Moallem and how that may be one of the keys for solution, President al-Assad said that Oman has an important role in dealing with various points of tension in the region and cooling them down, leading to a solution, and it’s self-evident that the Foreign Minister’s visit is in the context of resolving the crisis, and it’s also self-evident that the Omani role is to help resolve the crisis.

The President stressed that the strength of a country is primarily based on the unity of the people before relying on its army or political system, and the greater part of the people are unified, but when there are elements of treason, extremism, and terrorism, then these points constitute weak points that cannot be ignored, and must be dealt with when other elements become secondary.

He said that the United States, throughout its history, “is elusive with its statement, and of course as time went on, this quality for the United States became the basis of policy. This means that what one official says, another official will contradict within days, and what one official says in the morning in a speech or a statement, they will say the opposite on the next day. This is one of the qualities of U.S. policies; abandoning allies, abandoning friends, backstabbing.”

His Excellency said that on the other hand, Russia’s policy was never like the American one, not during the days of the Soviet Union and not now, asserting that Russia’s policy is based on principles and growing more so, and therefore when the Russian Foreign Minister makes several statements and other officials make statements in the same context, it becomes obvious that Russia’s policy is concrete.

On the relation between the crisis in Syria and the nuclear Iranian deal, and whether Syria could be a victim in this regard or was an offering that provided gains, President al-Assad asserted that Syria is certainly not a victim, simply because it wasn’t a part of the nuclear negotiations, despite the fact that western forces tried to coerce Iran to have the Syrian issue become a part of the nuclear issue in order to get concessions from Iran regarding its support for Syria, but Iran was adamant and refused this completely, which was a correct, objective, and smart decision.

“Was Syria presented as an offering? Certainly not, but we could say that Syria made offerings,” the President elaborated, saying that when one’s allies are strong, that makes you strong, and when they are weakened, you are weakened as well, but saying that Syria’s steadfastness led to the nuclear deal is an oversimplification as the deal is the result of a long process that began by the Iranian people a long time ago, with Iran withstanding pressure for 12 years and holding fast to its principles throughout the negotiations during the past two years.

In answer to a question on whether the world is heading toward a new form of coalition, with Syria possibly being closer to a coalition with Iran than with anyone else, President al-Assad said that the alliance between Syria and Iran is 35 years old, and so being allied to Iran and vice versa is nothing new, noting that when Iran was subjected to an unjust war, Syria stood by its side, and now that Syria is subjected to an unjust war, Iran is standing by its side.

Regarding the political scene after Syria emerges victorious and Iran’s potential role in it, President al-Assad said that what would change is probably the influence of the Syrian-Iranian alliance on the international arena, because Iran now has more prospects to play a bigger role in it, and Iran’s strength will strengthen Syria, and in the same way Syria’s victory will be a victory for Iran.

His Excellency said that Syria and Iran share viewpoints and have mutual principles, and they form the axis of resistance, and so the principles will not change; only some tactics may change, or maybe some results on the ground.

In response to a question on the disillusionment of Syrians over the state of the Arab nation and whether he excuses that feeling, President al-Assad said “Excusing it doesn’t mean that we all purse that direction. We excuse them because conditions promoted citizens to turn against Arabism, and this is fact for most citizens. This promoted them to make no distinction between true, genuine Arabism and those who hide behind Arabism while in fact their hearts, minds, sentiments, and interests lie elsewhere that is completely outside the region.

“This is similar to what has happened in the past, maybe in several areas, but less than before; confusing those who exploit Islam like the Muslim Brotherhood and other extremist and terrorist organizations with true Islam. There was confusion; they believed that all those who use the word Islam or Muslim are true Muslim. This confusion happens constantly.

“I would like to say to everyone who doubts or confuses between the two issues that Arabism is an identity we cannot abandon. You belong to a family, and maybe one person or more from that family would treat you wrong, but even if you change your surname, you will continue to belong to that family in your upbringing, identity, nature, and everything about you. You cannot be detached from your identity. The Arab identity isn’t a choice; to belong to a religion and a nationality is your identity, and when you reach this point, this is what the enemies want: for us to disavow ourselves of our identity. The essence of the cause now and the wars that are happening isn’t about toppling regimes; rather this is a stage and a tool, nor is it about undermining states and economy. All those are tools. The final goal is undermining the identity, and when we reach that point preemptively, we’re giving the enemies a free gift that precludes their need later for military intervention or for using terrorists.”

On the effect of the political activity in Iraq on the coordination between Syria and Iraq, the President asserted that coordination with Iraq hasn’t been affected negatively, as Iraqis are aware that they are embroiled in the same battle against a mutual enemy, and that what happens in Syria will reflect on Iraq and vice versa, so unifying the battle, like what is happening between Syria and Lebanon’s Hezbollah, there will be better results in less time and at a lower cost.

Regarding what the difference is between the presence of Hezbollah fighters in Syria and the other side having foreign fighters, the President said that the difference lies in legitimacy, stressing that Hezbollah entered Syria through agreement with the Syrian state which is the legitimate, elected representative of the Syrian people and is supported by their majority, so the state has the right to invite forces to defend the Syrian people, while the other forces are terrorists who came to murder Syrians and against the will of the people and the state.

On his relation with Hezbollah Secretary General Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah, President Assad said that this relation is strong and dates back to more than 20 years ago, and any observer can see that this is a relation characterized by honesty and transparency, as Nasrallah is absolutely honest, transparent, principled, and loyal to his principles and his associates and friends to the extreme.

“The relationship is one of a resistant state and a true resistant figure who gave his son in defense of Lebanon,” he said, adding that evaluating a relationship requires a third person to observe it and talk about it.

On the escalation by Saudi Arabia against Syria, specifically the statements of the Saudi Foreign Minister following reports of Syrian-Saudi meetings, President al-Assad said that media escalation is of no concern, as what matters is actual practices of states, so when a state supports terrorism, then what value does media escalation or media appeasement have?

“This is what concerns us, and in the end the result is the same, meaning that with and without escalation, the Saudi state supports terrorists in Syria, this is a fact that everyone knows, so escalation here is meaningless,” he said, adding that in terms of the verbal escalation, then Syria could respond in a similar manner and ask what one would expect from a group that hasn’t entered human civilization?”

“Would one expect them discourse that is moral, objective, has a political dimension, or is wise? We shouldn’t expect any of those. If we do expect that, then the problem lies with us, not with them,” he said.

On Jordan’s talk about a buffer zone and the presence of a joint, military and security operations’ room, President al-Assad said “it means Jordan talks about a Jordanian decision or a US decision… this is the question… so when a country or an official talks, we have to ask about the extent of independence of this official or country in order to express his opinion, noting that “until now, the majority of the Arab countries runs behind the US leash, they have no role.”

On the Syrian-Egyptian relations and the responsibility of Egypt for the delay of its return, Assad said, undoubtedly, the relation with Syria, Egypt and Iraq has a peculiarity as these states are the base of Arab civilizations throughout history, underlying that “What we want, in the first phase, is that Egypt not to be a launch-pad against Syria or against others in the Arab countries, but in the second phase we want Egypt to play the role of the important country which helps the other Arab countries.”

The President added that relations between Syria and Egypt are the ones which achieve balance on the Arab arena… Syria believes that it stands in the same trench with the Egyptian army and with the Egyptian people against terrorists who change their names.




Turkish incursion into Syria would be disastrous, say experts

Source: Sunday’s Zaman
The possible invasion of Syria by Turkey, allegedly masterminded by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in an effort to postpone the upcoming general election in June and to oust Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, spells serious danger for Turkey, according to academics and international relations experts.

The rumor of Turkey’s possible incursion has spread like wildfire since Gürsel Tekin, the deputy chairman of the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), told the media on May 7, that the Turkish government was planning to send ground forces to Syria within two days, saying that the government’s reckless policies would drag Turkey into an intractable conflict. Erdoğan is accused of pressing for the invasion after reports that the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) is performing badly in the polls.

The Turkish Constitution has a provision in Article 78 which allows for elections to be postponed, stating: “If holding new elections is deemed impossible because of war, the Grand National Assembly of Turkey may decide to defer elections for a year.”

Tekin demanded a direct refutation of the claims he said he’d learned from a “trusted source,” from either Erdoğan or Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu. The response came from the latter when he ruled out an imminent military incursion into Syria, claiming that the balance is shifting in favor of the Syrian opposition. In remarks published on May 9, Davutoğlu also said there that were no new developments between Saudi Arabia and Turkey regarding Syria, despite several reports which suggest that the two countries have been aligning their efforts to step up assistance to Syrian rebels fighting to overthrow Assad.

Despite Davutoğlu making an effort to play down the allegations, many international news agencies have already published reports on Erdoğan’s new-found love for the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and its newly elected monarch, King Salman bin Abdulaziz al Saud. “Casting aside U.S. concerns about aiding extremist groups, Turkey and Saudi Arabia have converged on an aggressive new strategy to bring down Syrian President Bashar Assad” wrote the Associated Press on May 7.

Top commander’s absence stokes controversy regarding incursion

The unexpected and highly unusual medical leave of the top commander of the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK), Gen. Nejdet Özel, also sparked a fresh wave of rumors within the Turkish media that the leave was a result of a standoff between Erdoğan and Özel over the latter’s disillusionment with a plan to invade Syria in an attempt to postpone the upcoming elections.

Özel’s medical leave has garnered special interest in the media both because it is highly unusual for the TSK to announce the vacation or medical leave of a chief of General Staff and because Özel’s temporary departure comes only months before his term is to come to an end in August. The top commander’s true intentions will be made crystal clear if he returns to his post as top commander of the TSK when the time allotted for his medical leave comes to an end.

Academic: Turkey entering Syria would be worse than US entering Vietnam

Selim Savaş Genç, an associate professor of international relations at Fatih University, explained to Sunday’s Zaman that the speculated invasion of Syria by Turkey and Saudi Arabia would be disastrous for Turkey and would have worse consequences for the country than Vietnam had for the United States. “Vietnam was thousands of miles away from the US, but Syria is on our [Turkey’s] doorstep,” he said.

The Vietnam War was a lengthy and costly armed conflict that cost the lives of more than 3 million people, including 58,000 Americans, when it pitted the communist regime of North Vietnam and its southern allies, known as the Viet Cong, against South Vietnam and its principal ally, the US. The Vietnam War finally ended in 1975 with the final withdrawal of US forces and the unification of Vietnam under communist control.

“Also, who is Turkey going to fight? Will it fight ISIL [the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant]? Will it fight al-Qaeda? Will it fight Iran [Hezbollah]? Will it fight them all?” asked Genç. “Is Turkey ready to go to war with Russia and Iran? If by chance they [Russia and Iran] shoot one of Turkey’s ships or down one of Turkey’s fighter planes, will they [the government] say, like they did before, that the ship or plane did not bear the Turkish flag?”

On Tuesday, in his condemnation of an attack on a Turkish-owned ship by forces loyal to Libya’s internationally recognized government, in which one crew member was killed, Erdoğan warned that Turkey’s response would have been different had the ship been sailing under a Turkish flag.

The Iranian factor in Syria

Turkey and Saudi Arabia may be biting off more than they can chew in Syria, as Iran’s influence in the country and Russian technical support pose but two of many obstructions that the invading countries might face. Iran has led an extensive effort to maintain Assad’s government in power long enough to be able to weather the storm of the civil war.

Tehran and Ankara back opposing sides in the civil war, which pits rebel forces that include radical Sunni Muslim fighters from ISIL against Assad, Tehran’s closest regional ally. Turkey, which has called for Assad to step down, has been criticized for being the main transit point for foreign militants crossing into Syria to fight his forces, while Iran has supported him both militarily and politically.

The military advances by ISIL challenge Tehran’s strategy of projecting power from the Gulf to the Mediterranean through its mainly Shiite allies in Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon. Tehran has blamed the West for the rise of ISIL, which controls swathes of Syria and Iraq, but also suggests the need for common action in confronting the group.

Iranian Revolutionary Guard troops fighting on behalf of the Assad regime have reportedly withdrawn from a number of battlefronts and redeployed to strategic points around the Syrian capital, according to a report on the online news portal now.mmedia.me which covers issues in the Middle East.

Also, the Italian news agency Adnkronos International (AKI) reported in April, “The Iranian leadership has withdrawn [IRGC fighters] because there is no strategic advantage for their forces in many areas and they have suffered heavy losses.”

AK Party founder: Turkey couldn’t protect own land, let alone invade Syria

Former Minister of Foreign Affairs Yakar Yakış also talked to Sunday’s Zaman, highlighting the risks Turkey would be undertaking by contributing to an incursion into Syria and saying that Turkey’s aggressive tone toward its neighbors is the wrong move.
“When [previously] there were acts of grandstanding and people saying that we [Turkey] would reach Damascus within three hours, we had to be very careful when undertaking the operation to the [Süleyman Şah tomb] which is only 30 kilometers from Turkey’s border. Damascus is 400, maybe 500 kilometers away,” said Yakış, remarking, “Let’s not forget, Turkey had to ask for assistance from regional actors such as the Kurdish factions [already active there].”

AK Party deputy Şamil Tayyar predicted on a TV program in 2012 that “Turkey would reach Damascus within three hours” if it wanted to.

“Guessing when the Syrian regime will fall is like guessing [the time of] an earthquake, it might happen in three days, but it may not happen over the next three years,” said Yakış, hinting at Davutoğlu’s remarks of three years ago, when he said, while still the minister of foreign affairs, that the “painful situation in Syria would not last that long,” and that it was more appropriate to note the time of Assad’s ousting as “weeks and months, not years.”

However, the past four years have shown Assad’s ability to keep a firm grasp on power no matter the cost, killing over 200,000 Syrians in the process. Sharing a long border with Syria, Turkey has also welcomed Syrians escaping the civil war and officially currently hosts around 1.6 million Syrian refugees, but the real figures are thought to be substantially higher.

Yakış, who is also one of the founders of the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) said, “If the practice of trying to topple the government in a neighboring country becomes commonplace, then other countries may try the same thing [against Turkey].” When asked if Turkey faced such a threat, Yakış said: “The only country that can do that [topple the government] is Russia. I hope our [Turkey’s] relations with Russia never [reach] such a bad point,” continuing, “Turkey entering Syria is hard, Turkey exiting Syria is nearly impossible.”

Turkish-Russian relations have seen lows and highs during the tenure of Russian President Vladimir Putin, as both have common interests such us building a pipeline to transport gas to Europe via Turkey’s western regions, but are also at odds with each other on issues such as Putin’s unflinching support for Assad and his recent use of the word “genocide” to refer to the mass killings of Armenians at the end of World War I under Ottoman rule. Putin traveled to the Armenian capital of Yerevan to attend the ceremonies marking the centennial of what Armenians claim was the genocide of Ottoman Armenians in eastern Anatolia during World War I.

The Foreign Ministry released a statement regarding Putin’s remarks, saying: “We reject and condemn the labeling of the 1915 events as ‘genocide’ by the president of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, despite all our warnings and calls. Such political statements, which are a flagrant violation of the law, are null and void for Turkey.”




Why is the US Trying to Replace the Assad Government With al-Qaeda in Syria?

By Paul Larudee
Source: CounterPunch
A month ago, the city of Idlib fell to opposition fighters, mainly al-Qaeda and its affiliates and allies. It was a major blow to the Syrian army. Last Saturday, the nearby town of Jisr al-Shughour also fell, mostly to the same groups.

Fighting against the Syrian government and army are a mixture of Syrian and foreign mercenaries from dozens of countries. They are supplied, trained, armed and paid by Saudi Arabia, the Gulf monarchies, Israel, Turkey, NATO, and of course the United States. Their weapons are becoming increasingly sophisticated, and it is appears that TOW wire-guided missiles supplied by Saudi Arabia (and indirectly the US) made a major difference in the battles for Idlib and Jisr al-Shughour. The Syrian government is backed mainly by Russia and Iran, plus a few thousand fighters from Hezbollah in Lebanon. It is also backed by a substantial majority of the Syrian population, as determined by foreign intelligence estimates as well as a multi-candidate 2014 election with astonishing participation even by expatriate Syrians.

NATO, the US and the relatively marginalized secular Syrian opposition, say they want to replace the current Syrian government with one that is secular, democratic, respectful of human rights, and which represents all the people of Syria.

Really? The US has undermined and overthrown democratic governments in Iran (1953), Guatemala (1954), Brazil (1964), Congo (1965), Chile (1973), Turkey (1980), Nicaragua (1981-90), Haiti (2004), and the occupied Palestinian territories (2007), and it is trying to do the same in Venezuela. Why? Because the democratic choice of the people did not result in a compliant government, subservient to the West and multinational corporations. That’s the real agenda of the US and NATO.

It’s also hard to imagine that Saudi Arabia, the Gulf monarchies, Israel and Turkey care about democracy and human rights. They are more interested in advancing their regional objectives and suppressing potential rivals, principally and obsessively Syria’s ally, Iran. The US and Israel have been pursuing destruction and regime change of at least seven Middle Eastern countries for two decades or more. Israel’s policy since its formation has been to keep its neighbors weak and divided and in a constant state of war.

Be careful what you wish for

Regime change is full of unintended consequences. From the late 1970s to the early 1990s, US-backed Islamic resistance fighters, including Osama Bin Laden, battled a secular government in Afghanistan and eventually replaced it with the repressive Taliban regime. This support helped to create al-Qaeda, which spread to Yemen, East Africa and other places. It resulted in major attacks against US installations in Yemen, Kenya and twice against the World Trade Center in New York. The US then invaded Afghanistan in 2002, which became a quagmire and potentially the longest war in US history, at a cost of a trillion dollars, a crumbling domestic infrastructure and economy, and thousands more American lives. That war is not yet over, and the putative benefits to the US are hard to find. In fact, the U.S. is probably less secure as a result. And that is just Afghanistan.

If we add in the US interventions in Iraq, Libya, Yemen and Syria the costs mount to more trillions of dollars and more thousands of American lives, to say nothing of the more than one million deaths among the local populations. In all these cases, we left behind crippled and failed states, with al-Qaeda and its successors (Daesh, AKA ISIS, AKA the takfiri movement) filling the vacuum.

In the case of Syria, our opposition to the Assad government is so obstinate that we are apparently promoting the defeat of a government that is not our enemy in order to replace it with one that is. The paid mercenary remnants of the “moderate opposition” are all allied with al-Qaeda and fight under its direction. Al-Qaeda and Daesh control most of opposition-held Syria and are doing most of the fighting. Our allies, Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Qatar, with lesser support from the Gulf monarchies and Israel, are supplying nearly all the weapons and money, and are supporting the recruitment operations of the most fanatical movements under an Islamic flag, which promise to spread death, misery, intolerance and oppression in the territories they controls, and to commit ethnic cleansing of populations that they considers to be “heretical”, including non-Muslims and Muslims alike. Why would we want them to take control of Syria?

Unfortunately, good sense seems to have little to do with US decision making. Saudi Arabia and Israel consider al-Qaeda and Daesh to be better options than a government allied with Iran, and have no objection to allowing Syria to be taken over by terrorists. Both have powerful friends in the US, including war hawks in Congress like Senators John McCain, Lindsay Graham and Ted Cruz, as well as Presidential candidate Hillary Clinton. They have the support of the vast military-industrial complex, the largest in the world, and of the neoconservative press, advisers, government officials and members of Congress, as well as the Israeli lobby.

These groups are paralyzing US policy and placing the interests of a tiny fraction of US companies and wealthy individuals – to say nothing of foreign governments like Saudi Arabia and Israel – above the rest of the country. They either have not learned from our many past mistakes or they are comfortable with them, making a fortune from them, and would like to repeat them.

Only the efforts of people of conscience, with the support of economic interests that are not benefiting from destruction, death and mayhem, are likely to put an end to this rampant corruption. Presidents George Washington and Dwight Eisenhower both warned us of the consequences of allowing foreign powers and special interests to gain too much power, but it is uncertain whether this nation will summon the means to reverse the co-dependent relationship between ascendant terrorist groups like al-Qaeda and Daesh and the US interests that profit from the mass killing that is their agenda.

Paul Larudee is a co-founder of the Syria Solidarity Movement.




Tearing Syria Apart by Jeremy Salt

Source: Arena Magazine

A war is being waged in and on Syria. Protecting the people from the dictator is no more than the usual pretext for attacks on Middle Eastern countries.

A war is being waged in and on Syria. Protecting the people from the dictator is no more than the usual pretext for attacks on Middle Eastern countries. The real target is not Bashar but Syria itself. It is Israel’s visceral enemy; it has got in the way of the West virtually since its emergence as an independent state in the 1940s; and for more than two decades it has been the central pillar in the Iran–Syria–Hizbullah ‘axis of resistance’. Unrest following the arrival of the ‘Arab spring’ was an opportunity that outside governments and their regional allies moved quickly to exploit. The United States, Britain, France, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey pooled their resources in an attempt to bring down the government in Damascus. Inside Syria their tools have been armed groups increasingly dominated by local and foreign jihadists who want to turn Syria into an Islamic emirate. They are the very people the United States and its allies were supposed to be fighting in their ‘war on terror’ yet here they are in Syria supporting them.

Egypt’s President Nasser once described Syria as the ‘beating heart of Arabism’. This was not just a rhetorical flourish. The Arab national idea was largely born in Syria. Aware of its central place on the map and in Arab nationalist thought, the French and the British tore it apart in the 1920s, carving off the best part of its Mediterranean flank to create Lebanon, and allocating southern Syria (Palestine) to the Zionists. In 1938 France took the process of dismemberment further, giving autonomy to the eastern Syrian Mediterranean region of Iskanderun, then allowing Turkey to take it over.

Syrians fought the French from the beginning of the mandate until the last French troops withdrew under British pressure in 1946.When the country’s first elections were held in July 1947, Shukri al Quwatli’s mainstream National Party won the largest block of votes (twenty-four) in a parliament numerically dominated by independents (seventy). Quwatli could not have known it but a declaration made four months earlier had already sealed the fate of his government. On 12 March President Truman had declared before Congress that the United States would assist ‘free people resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressure’. The immediate targets were Greece and Turkey but in time the provisions of the Truman Doctrine were extended to any country the United States could argue was under threat of international communist subversion.

In Syria the dominant question in the late 1940s was the future of TAPLINE (the Trans-Arabian Pipeline), which the Bechtel Corporation had been contracted to build for ARAMCO (the Arabian American Oil Company). As planned in 1945 it would run from Saudi Arabia across Jordan and Syria before ending at a terminal on the Mediterranean coast. The initial idea of a terminal at Haifa had to be abandoned in favour of the Lebanese port city of Sidon because of the outbreak of war in Palestine. Popular fury at the state of Israel and all of its backers put Syrian assent to TAPLINE out of the question. At this point CIA operatives began sounding out right-wing Syrian army officers on what could be done about getting rid of President Quwatli. A pliant colonel called Husni al Zaim was found and installed as dictator with the help of the CIA on 30 March 30 1949.Within a few months he had given permission for the construction of TAPLINE, banned the Syrian Communist Party and declared his intentions to take in a quarter of a million Palestinians and make peace with Israel.

This was the beginning of a long US entanglement in Syrian affairs. By the mid-1950s the Syrian government was developing a close relationship with the Soviet Union and in 1956 the CIA and the SIS (Britain’s Secret Intelligence Service) conspired to overthrow it. What the British did not tell the White House was that it was simultaneously planning to attack Egypt in concert with France and Israel. Eisenhower was furious, but the redoubtable Syrian intelligence chief, Abd al Hamid al Sarraj, had already got wind of the plot and either arrested or chased the key conspirators out of the country. Towards the end of 1956 Operation Straggle gave way to Operation Wappen. This also failed, after Syrian officers brought into the conspiracy told their superiors what was going on.

Syria’s union with Egypt (1958–61) was followed by the Baath seizure of power. Opposition to the Zionist ‘entity’ remained as strident as ever. Clashes along the Syrian truce lines ended in the Israeli attack on Syria and Egypt in June 1967. Within three years the shock of defeat had helped to propel into power Hafez al Assad, then commander of the air force, who was to outwit the United States and Israel for the next three decades.

The main arena of their confrontation during this period was Lebanon. In 1976 the Arab League authorised Syria to send a ‘deterrent force’ into Lebanon to put a cap on the civil war. The right-wing Maronite alliance was already on the point of being defeated by the Lebanese Left–Palestinian–Druze coalition. Determined to prevent Israel from being given any pretext for intervention, Assad imposed balance on the warring factions. In fact the new Israeli Prime Minister, Menahim Begin, was already making it clear he needed no pretext to intervene in Lebanon. Begin’s first invasion of 1978 was followed by a much more extensive operation in 1982. This would necessarily involve conflict with Syria. Israel launched its ground operation on 6 June and followed through days later with a large-scale air attack on Syrian SAM missiles batteries in the Bika’a Valley. Of the nineteen missile emplacements, seventeen were destroyed, along with radar installations and dozens of Syrian planes. Without air cover, Syria’s troops were neutralised.

Assad was humiliated but did not have to bide his time for long. Global revulsion at the massacre of Palestinians in the Sabra and Shatila camps during the summer of 1982 marked the beginning of a sharp reversal for both the United States and Israel. They had driven out the PLO only for the vacuum to be filled by a Shia resistance movement far more dangerous than the Palestinians had ever been. In April 1983 a suicide bomber destroyed the US embassy in Beirut, leaving sixty-three dead. In October 1983 it was the turn of US marines sent to Lebanon as part of a multinational ‘peacekeeping’ force: 241 were killed in the bombing of their compound and fifty-eight French paratroops killed in a simultaneous bombing of the French barracks. On 17 May 1983 Israel imposed a ‘peace’ agreement on a puppet Lebanese government, only for it collapse less than a year later.

By this time Hizbullah had come into existence under the direction of Iranian cadres. The party issued its first manifesto on 16 February 1985. Just three weeks later, an attempt was made to kill a senior Shia cleric, Muhammad Hassan Fadlallah, widely regarded as Hizbullah’s spiritual mentor. Reportedly arranged by CIA chief William Casey, and funded by $3 million of Saudi money,[1] local operatives exploded a car bomb in the West Beirut suburb of Bir ‘Abid. It failed to kill Fadlallah but killed eighty others. In 1992 Israel assassinated Hizbullah’s Secretary-General, Abbas Musawi, in a helicopter missile attack that also killed his five-year-old son. Musawi was succeeded by Hassan Nasrallah, whose own elder son, Muhammad Hadi, was killed in fighting with Israeli soldiers in September 1997. Supported by Iran and Syria, Hizbullah continued to wage a successful war of attrition against Israel and its Lebanese collaborators. On 24 May 2000 Israel was forced to withdraw its forces from all occupied territory except the Shaba’a farms. On 10 June Hafez al Assad died, having lived long enough to savour this historic defeat of the Zionist enemy.

Towards the end of his life Assad engaged in backroom negotiations with the United States and Israel centring on the return of the Golan Heights. These approaches came to nothing but were no more than brief interludes in a continuing campaign to force Syria to its knees. It had been on the State Department list of states sponsoring terrorism since 1979 and, after the attack on Iraq in 2003, the pressure was cranked up. The neoconservatives had a long list of Middle Eastern countries they wanted attacked and Israel’s activists in the US Congress followed through with legislation aimed at crippling Iran and Syria. In December 2003 Congress passed the Syrian Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Act (SALSRA), placing bans on exports to Syria and dealings with Syrian banks and other financial institutions, and freezing US assets of Syrian government institutions and individuals. During the Obama administration such economic warfare, banned under the UN Charter, has been further reinforced, notably by the Syria Freedom Support Act and the Syria Sanctions Act.

At the same time the United States and Israel were still seeking means for getting Syria out of Lebanon. On 14 February 2005 a massive explosion on the corniche road killed former Sunni Muslim Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri. The killing was a masterstroke because of the way it united Sunni Muslims and Maronites in a wave of anti-Syrian fury. Syria had no choice but to pull its remaining troops out of Lebanon. Four ‘pro-Syrian’ military and intelligence officers accused of plotting the assassination were held for four years before being released for lack of evidence. Switching track without taking breath, the UN Special Tribunal for Lebanon then claimed that members of Hizbullah had killed Hariri. In response, blaming Mossad, Hizbullah released intercepted aerial surveillance showing that an Israeli drone had tracked Hariri for three months, right up to the moment of his assassination.[2] Whoever was responsible, the success of this operation encouraged repeats. A wave of murders of ‘anti-Syrian’ journalists and academics followed the killing of Hariri, each blamed on Syria, each doing damage only to Syria, and not one ever solved.

In 2006 Israel launched a large-scale invasion of Lebanon aimed at the destruction of Hizbullah, only for it to be blocked a few miles from the armistice line and forced into a humiliating retreat three weeks later. By 2007 the failure to shake the Iran–Syria–Hizbullah strategic alliance was strengthening the Saudi view that the best way to fight Shia ideological fervour was with Sunni ideological fervour. In Iraq the United States had already been training a Shia death and torture squad inside the interior ministry to hunt down Sunni jihadis killing US soldiers. Now the Saudis would try to persuade the Americans that the sectarian weapon should be used to contain Iran and rising Shia influence across the region. In fact a full-scale military attack on Iran was the first choice of the Saudi king but such an attack would set off a chain reaction of regional and global consequences the United States and its allies might not be able to control. The option could be picked up eventually but in the meantime a range of effective secondary weapons lay close at hand: economic warfare, targeted assassinations (of Iranian nuclear scientists),cyber warfare(directed against Iran’s nuclear program) and support for militant Sunni groups, including those whose hatred of the United States was scarcely less than that of the Shia. The chief proponent of the last of these threads was Bandar bin Sultan, Saudi ambassador to the United States for more than twenty years (1983–2005), now Saudi Arabia’s intelligence chief, who assured the United States he could keep these groups in line. The United States came on board, with consequences that have already included some of the blowback many had feared. The well-planned attack on the US consulate in Benghazi last September, culminating in the death of the US ambassador and three other Americans, was the work of the same Islamic militants who had fought to bring down the government of Muammar al Qadhafi under the protection of NATO air power.[3]

The United States was well aware of the ambiguities in its relationship with Saudi Arabia. In 2008 Hillary Clinton claimed that Saudi donors were the ‘most significant source of funding for Sunni terrorist groups worldwide’, including Al Qaida, the Taliban and Lashkari-Taiba in Pakistan. Other sources of funding included the UAE, Qatar and Kuwait, with Qatar’s level of cooperation on counterterrorism issues ‘considered the worst in the region’. [4]

A ‘strategic embrace’ between Saudi Arabia and Israel and the destabilisation of Syria, with the Saudi government providing ‘funds and logistical aid to weaken the government of President Bashar [al] Assad’ and thus the Iran–Syria–Hizbullah strategic alliance were specific aspects of the new US–Saudi regional strategy.[5] In 2008 the Saudis put forward a plan for intervention in Lebanon by an Arab force drawn from ‘periphery states’. Representing a ‘security response’ to Hizbullah’s ‘military challenge’ to the government in Beirut, the force would be provided with US and NATO aerial and naval cover.[6] Around the time this scheme was proposed, Bandar bin Sultan and Jeffrey Feltman (US ambassador to Lebanon 2004–08) were reported to have devised a detailed plan for the destabilisation of Syria.[7] Feltman had previously coordinated the delivery of billions of dollars in aid to the pro-US Lebanese government. Some of it was channelled in the direction of Sunni jihadis already being cultivated by Saad Hariri, Rafiq’s son and point man for the United States and Saudi Arabia inside Lebanon. Iraq was then in the process of being partitioned between the Kurdish governorate in the north and the Shia-dominated government in Baghdad; in the view of Hassan Nasrallah, chaos and partition was the formula the anti-Shia alliance had in mind for Lebanon and Syria as well.[8] Coincidentally or not, the breakdown of the central Middle Eastern lands into bite-sized ethno-religious statelets has been an Israeli strategic goal for decades.[9]

The sectarian war taking shape encompassed Pakistan and Afghanistan as well as the ‘Shia crescent’ in the Middle East. In Iraq a long-running campaign of suicide bombings directed against the Shia population led to charges being laid against the Sunni Muslim Vice President Tariq al Hashimi in 2011 for running death squads. Hashimi fled to the Kurdish north before moving on to Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Turkey, all three Sunni Muslim countries refusing Iraqi requests to hand him over. Sunni militants who once fought the Americans are now fighting in Syria as well as planning to bring down the Shia-dominant government in Baghdad with the help of the Gulf States. ‘We have coordinated with countries like Qatar and Saudi and Jordan. We are organising, training and equipping ourselves but we will start peacefully until the right moment arrives. We won’t be making the same mistakes. Baghdad will be destroyed this time’.[10] In Bahrain Saudi Arabia intervened militarily to prop up the Sunni Muslim minority government against the Shia majority, while putting down demonstrations by the Shia majority in its own eastern province. In Pakistan, Gulf donors and charities have poured millions of dollars into the funding of salafist madrasas and jihadi groups such as Lashkari-Janghvi, which has unleashed a rolling wave of suicide bombings against Shia targets. Such attacks were virtually unknown until a few years ago.

The existence of the Bandar bin Sultan–Feltman plan cannot be confirmed but given the ‘redirection’ of US policy in accordance with Saudi thinking,[11]and taking into account the strenuous efforts already being made to destabilise Syria through economic sanctions and financing the opposition, the development of such a plan seems no more than a logical extension of a process already underway. Key elements in this blueprint for sectarian warfare included the exploitation of legitimate opposition to the ‘regime’; the mobilisation of young people; the formation of a network of thugs and criminals (preferably non-Syrians); the training of ‘activists’ in the use of videos and social media for propaganda purposes; the provision of all necessary communications equipment, including mobile phones with a virtual country code (the Thurayya phones produced in the UAE fitted the bill); the infiltration of peaceful demonstrations by agents provocateur; the killing of demonstrators by snipers using the same guns and ammunition as the police or army so the state could be blamed; the incitement of sectarian massacres; the burning of Baath Party offices and other public buildings and the smashing of images of Bashar and his father. The entire project would be underwritten with $2 billion of seed money by Saudi Arabia.[12]

On 12 January 2011 Hizbullah and its allies withdrew from the Lebanese government, bringing about its collapse and demonstrating yet again the political ineffectiveness of Saad Hariri and his allies. Something more forceful had to be done to stem a fast-running Shia tide: a plan was on the drawing board, and as the ‘Arab spring’ metastasised across the region, an opportunity arose for it to be activated. The flight of Zine al Abidine ben Ali from Tunis (11 January 2011) and the resignation of Husni Mubarak (11 February) were losses to the United States but, adapting quickly, it sought to turn the ‘Arab spring’ to its advantage. Negotiations with the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt played out well, with elections bringing to power a president openly committed to maintaining the 1979 peace treaty with Israel despite his movement’s rhetorical opposition to both Israel and Zionism. Protests in Libya created an opening to get rid of an eccentric ruler who had been a thorn in the side of the West for decades. In Syria serious protests broke out in the southern city of Dara’a on 15 Marchafter the arrest of students for scrawling anti-government graffiti on walls, but only when Qadhafi had been dealt with could the same coalition that had been assembled against Libya turn its full attention to the government in Damascus.

If there was no Bandar bin Sultan–Feltman plan, the coincidence with how the situation in Syria has developed is certainly striking. The narrative of a peace-loving people rising up against the dictator was a fabrication in both Libya and Syria. There was no popular revolt against Qadhafi. There was a protest movement in Benghazi which Britain, France and the United States quickly exploited in their own interests. This was their war and the ‘rebels’ advancing westward under a blanket of NATO missiles were their tools on the ground. In Syria a distinction has to be made between a system most Syrians don’t like and a president even his enemies concede many Syrians do like.[13] Support for the armed groups is hard to gauge because when heavily armed men whose reputations for brutality have preceded them turn up in a city, town or village, people are going to ‘support’ them out of fear of the consequences if they don’t. The armed groups are not wanted in many of the cities they have infiltrated: in Aleppo even the FSA admitted that 70 per cent of the people support the government, and food shortages along with the brutality of the armed groups has caused further alienation and anger.[14]

This all points to a carefully orchestrated plan to drag the Syrian government into a maelstrom of violence intended to suck it downwards to its eventual destruction. Arms were being shipped into Syria from Lebanon and Turkey at a very early stage of the protest movement and jihadis were crossing borders from Iraq and Lebanon to take part in the fighting. Dominating the narrative was all important and on this front the Syrian government was not in the race. Truth was indeed the first casualty but whatever the truth was of accusations made by ‘activists’ against the Syrian army and the civilian paramilitaries called the shabiha, the armed groups, even on the evidence of their own videos and mobile phone footage, were guilty of committing atrocities against civilians as well as captured soldiers. Journalists smuggled into the country and moving around under the protection of the armed groups were never going to see what these groups did not want them to see. Such was the situation in Homs, where the siege of the infiltrated suburb of Baba Amr commanded global media attention for weeks, reaching a peak of intensity with the murders of the journalist Marie Colvin, a French journalist who was with her and a third man who remains unidentified. Only when the media had lost interest was it revealed that the rebel battalion at the heart of the action, the Free Syrian Army’s Faruq Brigade, had maintained a special squad whose job it was to take captives to a burial ground and cut their throats.[15]

Again, if there was no plan, the coincidence between with the ‘redirection’ and the Bandar bin Sultan–Feltman plan and what was happening in Syria was striking. Financed and armed by the governments of Saudi Arabia and Qatar and mobilised in southeastern Turkey, salafist jihadis streamed into Syria from the four corners of the Muslim world: Libyans (the first large batch), Tunisians, Saudis, Egyptians, Turks, Chechens, Pakistanis, Lebanese, Jordanians and Saudis (even criminals sentenced to death for murder or drug dealing were released from Saudi prisons if they agreed to fight in Syria[16]).The crimes committed by these Muslim contras include summary executions, massacres, bombing targeting civilians, murder of workers at state institutions, rape, kidnapping, attacks on Alawi and Christian villages, plunder of businesses and private dwellings and an enormous level of infrastructural sabotage. Recent attacks on civilians include a car bombing in central Damascus that killed fifty-five, including many school children (21 February); the suicide bombing inside the Iman mosque that killed an elderly Islamic scholar, Muhammad Said Ramadan al Bouti, and forty-eight others (21 March); and the mortar attack on Damascus University that killed ten students (28 March). Commenting on the killing of civilians in Damascus, British reporter Alex Thomson concluded that ‘it is hard to build any other case than that the rebel tactic here is pure terror and demoralisation’.[17]

Syria was never going to be broken as Libya was. The fact the army has not disintegrated is proof it is an army and not the media’s ‘Assad loyalists’. Similarly, while there have been some defections, the government has also held up to the intense pressures of the past two years, showing that it is a government, not a ‘regime’. It still has strong public support. Syrians want change but not at the expense of the destruction of the country, a sentiment that is probably stronger now in light of the devastation of the past two years. While the exiles call for even more armed intervention, the domestic peaceful opposition opposes it. The National Coordination Body for Democratic Change is a coalition of thirteen leftist political parties and a number of independents and can therefore be said to represent a significant body of public opinion. It opposes both the militarisation of the conflict and foreign intervention; it is just as strongly opposed to the system as the exiles but regards dialogue as the way out.

In early 2013 the United States, Britain and France deepened their involvement in Syria by deciding to supply the ‘rebels’ with ‘non-lethal’ battlefield equipment such as body armour and armoured vehicles. Their official refusal to go so far as supplying weapons is meaningless in light of their approval of weapons being shipped into Syria by their Arab allies, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Libya, including arms supplied to Saudi Arabia and diverted to Syria in breach of US arms export control regulations. Earlier reports that the United States and Britain were directly involved in the arms traffic have now been pulled together in an account of a plan aimed at another attempt to capture Damascus, five previous attempts having failed. This covert operation involves the supply of at least 3500 tons of weapons, many of them more powerful than the armed groups were previously receiving. Saudi Arabia and Qatar are paying for these weapons while Turkey and Jordan are said to be providing ‘the land channels for the shipments to reach the rebels’ once the weapons have been airlifted to airports in both countries. Many of the arms are coming from Croatia and Eastern Europe.[18] The scale of the airlift ‘simply dwarfs the massive weapons airlift mounted for the Afghan resistance in the 1980s’.[19]

Obama has said he will support only ‘moderates’ inside Syria but how he could make sure no arms end up with the ‘extremists’ is far from clear and is probably impossible. If by ‘moderates’ he means groups that have not committed all or some of the crimes listed in this article, there are no ‘moderates’ in the armed opposition. The United States plans to channel weapons supplies through the so-called Free Syrian Army (FSA). As this is no more than a name given to fragmented groups acting on their own initiative it is hard to see what its ‘military command’ actually commands.

The Syrian National Coalition, of which the FSA is the military wing, has its own command problems. On 19 March the coalition elected as its ‘prime minister’ Ghassan Hitto, a computer scientist from Texas who has not seen the country of his birth for several decades. The election followed a struggle behind the scenes by Saudi Arabia and Qatar. Hitto is affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood, which is supported by Qatar and opposed by Saudi Arabia. Thus the outcome was a victory for Qatar. The election was also seen as an attempt by Qatar to railroad an attempt by Russia to set up negotiations with the government in Damascus involving Muadh al Khatib, the coalition’s president. Khatib and twelve other members of the coalition resigned in protest at Hitto’s election, with the commander of the FSA, Salim Idris, also rejecting his authority. The quarreling continued at the Arab League summit in Doha a few days later, with the Saudi and Qatari delegates ‘shouting abuse at each other down the corridor and exchanging blows in private rooms’.[20] This time the outcome appears to have been a victory for Saudi Arabia despite the prominent role played by Qatar: it was Khatib and not Hitto who was awarded Syria’s seat at the summit meeting before clamouring to have it at the United Nations as well.

Enough is not yet enough. The United States, France, Britain, Saudi Arabia and Qatar are determined to destroy the central pillar in the Middle East axis of resistance even at the risk of destroying Syria. Not since the end of the First World War has a Middle Eastern country been targeted for destruction in such a remorseless fashion. The means are justified by the end: as a geo-strategic triumph, the destruction of the Syrian government would eclipse the sidelining of Egypt through the 1979 treaty with Israel and perhaps surpass even the destruction of Iraq as a unitary state. The stakes could not be higher: nothing is beyond contemplation, including the assassination of Bashar if his enemies think they can get away with it. The outcome of this latest phase of the long-running struggle for Syria will determine the future of the Middle East for many decades to come.

March, 2013


[1] The plot to kill Fadlallah was dealt with in a book on covert US actions by former Washington Postinvestigative reporter Bob Woodward, The Veil: The Secret Wars of the CIA 981-87. For a summary see Mary McGrory, ‘Woodward Sheds Light on Covert Actions’, Orlando Sentinel, September 30, 1987.
www.articles.orlandosentinel.com/1987-09-30/news/0150130156_1­_william-casey-covert-actions-fadlallah.

[2] The disclosure and showing of the intercepted film came at the end of a long speech made by Nasrallah in 2010 dealing with the arrests of Israeli spies in Lebanon and the interception of Israeli aerial surveillance going back to 1997. See Martin Dick, ‘Nasrallah Unveils ‘Israeli Footage’ of Hariri route, Daily Star ,Beirut, August 10, and a Reuter’s news service report, Mariam Karouny,’Hizbullah Says Israel Staked Out Hariri’s Route’, Beirut, August 10,2010. For those who would prefer unmediated accounts to Reuter or a newspaper which is not friendly to Hizbullah, Nasrallah’s speech (all 2 hours 36 minutes of it) is available on You Tube with an English translation (‘SayyedNasrallah – Hariri Assassination Evidence Expose). The English transcript can be found on the Hizbullah website Moqawama (‘Full Text of Hizbullah SG press conference on of former PM Hariri assassination).Nasrallah also disclosed that intercepted video transmissions had been used in 1997 to set up an ambush in which 12 Israeli commandos of an elite brigade were killed.References:
www.dailystar.com.lb/article.aspx?id=5871#ax2220E45x23
www.reuters.com/article/2010/08/09/us-lebanon-israel-nasrallah-idVESTRE67842V20100809
www.youtube.com/watch?5odeTwV22jw
www.english.moqawama.org/essaydetails.php?eid=1198&cid=317

[3] For US involvement in the training and funding of the special force inside the Iraqi Interior Ministry, especially the role of CIA agent Colonel James Steele, see the Guardian special report and accompanying 51-minute video, ‘From El Salvador to Iraq: Washington’s man behind brutal police squads, March 6, 2013. See also Gareth Porter, ‘How Petraeus Quietly Stoked the Fires of Sectarian War Without Getting Burned’, Truthout, December 4,2012. For an older but detailed account with references to leaked documents see Kevin Gosztola on Firedoglake blogsite, ‘Iraq War Logs Reveal US Chose ‘El Salvador Option’ to Secure Iraq,’ October 26, 2010. On US-Saudi relations and how the US became involved in ‘a widening sectarian conflict between Shiite and Sunni Muslims’ see Seymour Hersh, ‘The Redirection’, New Yorker, March 5, 2007. The conflict pitted what Condoleezza Rice called Sunni ‘moderates’ against Shia ‘extremists’ although it should be noted that Saudi Arabia was also concerned about Sunni Muslim groups that did not embrace its own interpretation of Islam. Outside the Middle East Saudi and other gulf money flowed into Pakistan for the funding of salafist madrasas and militant groups carrying out frequent bombing attacks on the Shia minority. For further insights see Alistair Crooke, ‘Towards a new Arab cultural revolution, Asiatimes Online, June 13, 2012; ‘Wikileaks: Saudi Arabia, UAE funded extremist networks in Pakistan’, Tribune Express [International Herald Tribune], May 22, 2011; and Murtaza Husain, Pakistan’s Shia Genocide’, Al Jazeera, November 26, 2012. On the murder of Chris Stevens, see Nic Robertson, Paul Cruickshank and Tim Lister, ‘Pro al Qaeda group seen behind deadly Benghazi attack that killed Ambassador Christopher Stephens’, CNN, September 12, 2012. Although the group that killed him was of recent formation, eastern Libya had been a source of Al Qaida-connected recruitment and mobilization for years.References:
www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/mar/06/el-salvador-iraq-police-squads-washington?INTCMP=SRCH
www.truth-out.org/news/item/13122/how-petraeus-quietly-stoked-the-fires-of-sectarian-war-without-getting-burnedmy.firedoglake.com/kgosztola/2010/10/26/iraq-war-logs-reveal-us-chose-el-salvador-option-to-secure-iraq/
www.newyorker.com/reporting/2007/03/05/070305Fa_fact-hersh
www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/NF!#AK03.htmlwww.tribune.com.PK/story/17344/
www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2012/11/201211269131968565.ht
wwww.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2012/11/201211269131968565.htwedition.cnn.com/2012/09/12/world/africa/libya-attack-jihadists

[4] See ‘Wikileaks: Saudis ‘chief funders of Sunni militants’, BBC News, December 5, 2010. http://www.bbc.news.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-11923176

[5] Seymour Hersh, ‘The Redirection’.

[6] See ‘Saudi Plan for Anti-Hizbullah Force’, Al Jazeera, December 8, 2010. www.aljazeera.com/news/middleeast/2010/12/20101281561243814.html

[7] The alleged plan of destabilisation was published on the Champress website. Not untypically, your correspondent has misplaced his printed copy. It is no longer on the site but the full text can be found on the Adib S. Kawar blogspot, ‘Conspiracy by Bandar bin Sultan and Feltman to destroy Syria’, July 30, 2011. For an Israeli interpretation see ZviBar’el, ‘Why did website linked to Syrian regime publish US-Saudi plan to oust Assad?’, Haaretz, March 30, 2011. This article notes the striking resemblance between the plan and what was happening in Syria by early 2011. Refrerences:
www.adibkawar.blogspot.com/2011/07/conspiracy-by-bandar-bin-sultan-and.html
www.haaretz.com/print-edition/features/why-did-website-linked-to-syrian-regime-publish-us-saudi-plan-to-oust-assad-1.352809

[8] See ‘The Redirection.’

[9] For details see Oded Yinon, ‘A Strategy for Israel in the Nineteen Eighties’, Kivunim (Directions), issue 14, winter, 5742, February, 1982. Translated and edited by Israel Shahak, with an introduction, by the Association of Arab-American Graduates. See www.members.tripod.com/alabasters_archive/Zionist_plan.html It should be pointed out that Israel was well aware of the strategic gains to be made by exploiting sectarian divisions long before the publication of this plan.

[10] Ghaith Abdul-Ahad, ‘Iraq Sunnis await a Baghdad spring’, Guardian, Ramadi, March 13, 2013. The ‘mistakes’ refer to infighting and the mistreatment of civilians during the resistance to the Americans. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/mar/13/Iraq-sunnis-unite-oust-shia-government

[11] See previous reference to ‘The Redirection.’

[12] For details of the plan, see the previous reference to the Adib S. Kawar blogspot.

[13] See Camille Otrakji, ‘The real Bashar al Assad’, The Syria Page, April 2, 2012. This excellent analysis goes into what Syrians like about Bashar and what they don’t like. Foreign policy and women’s rights are high on the list of his perceived achievements and his failure to curb corruption and introduce political reforms high on the list of his perceived failures. These failures would also have to include the adoption of free market policies which enriched the merchant class and further impoverished the rural peasantry, from whose ranks are said to come many of the foot soldiers of the armed groups. Being seen to have preserved ‘national dignity’ in the face of pressure from the US and the gulf states is a strong positive for Bashar. This article might help readers to understand why, if the mainstream media is right about ‘the dictator’, Bashar and his government remain in power despite more than two years of an insurgency fomented from the outside. www.creativesyria.com/syriapage/?P=150

[14] Yaria Bayoumy, ‘Insight: Aleppo misery eats at Syrian rebel support’, Aleppo, January 8,2013. These admissions are especially important given the uniform reporting of the conflict in the mainstream media from the perspective of the armed groups. www.reuters.com/article/2013/01/08/us-syria-crisis-rebels-idUSBRE_9070VV20130108

[15] Ulrike Putz, ‘The Burial Brigade of Homs: An Executioner for Syria’s Rebels Tells His Story’, Der Spiegel Online International, March 29, 2012. The claims he made were furiously denied by the commander of the Faruq Brigade, for which see ‘Don’t Drag Our Revolution Through the Mud’ on the Joshua Landis blogspot, but independently corroborated by another FSA commander. See Ziad al Zaatari, ‘Lebanon and the Free Syrian Army: A State of Denial’, Al Akhbar English, Beirut, April 6, 2012. The behavior of the Faruq Brigade in Homs was causing serious problems for other groups. See Sharmine Narwani, ‘Homs opposition: Al Farouq Battalion is Killing Us’, Al Akhbar English, May 13, 2012.References: www.derspiegel.de/international/world/profile_of_rebels_in_homs_and_their_executioners_a_824603.html
www.joshualandis.com/blog/?=14314&CP=allenglish.al-akhbar.com/content/lebanon-and-free-syrian-army-state-denialenglish-al-akhbar.com/node/7297

[16] The government document was originally leaked through a source in Yemen. For details see Christof Lehman, ‘Saudi Arabia Commits War Crimes by Forced Use of Prisoners in Syrian Insurgency’, nsnbc international, December 10, 2012. See also ‘Saudi Arabia Sent Death Row Inmates to Fight in Syria in Lieu of Execution’, Global Research News, January 21, 2013. The document refers to hundreds of men of various nationalities sentenced to death for such crimes as murder, rape and drug use.References:
www.nsbc.me/2012/12/10/Saudi-arabia-commits-war-crimes-by-forced-use-of-prisoners-in-syrian-insurgency/
www.globalresearch.ca/saudi-arabia-sent-death-row-inmates-to-fight-in-syria-in-lieu-of-execution/5319802/

[17] Conflicts Forum Weekly Comment, March 22-29, 2013. http://conflictsforum.org/2013/cfs/weekly-comment/

[18] See ‘AP: ‘master plan’ underway to help Syria rebels take Damascus with US-approved airlifts of heavy weapons’, CBS News, March 28, 2013, and ‘Esenboga hub for ‘weapon transfer’’, Hurriyet Daily News, Washington, March 26, 2013. References:
http://www.cbs.news.com/8301-202_162-57576722/ap-master-plan-underway-to-help-syria-rebels-take-damascus-with-us-approved-airlifts-of-heavy-weapons.html
http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/esenboga-hub-for-weapons-transfer.html

[19]‘CF’s Weekly Comment’, Conflicts Forum, March 22–29 2013, http://www.conflictsforum.org/2013/cfs-weekly-comment/.

[20]‘CF’s Weekly Comment’, Conflicts Forum, March 22–29 2013.